Taking the Streets with Concepts? Re-semantization and Radicalization of Political Language in the German PEGIDA-Movement
1. Taking the Streets with Concepts?
Re-semantization and Radicalization of
Political Language in the German PEGIDA-
Movement
Associate Professor Andreas Önnerfors
History of Sciences and Ideas
Gothenburg university, SWE
andreas.onnerfors@gu.se
3. Structure of paper
(1) Material and approaches
(2) PEGIDA: chronology and background
(3) Findings of empirical social studies, qualitative explanations
(4) Inside view 1: ”The salvation of the European spirit
commences in Dresden”
(5) Inside view 2: Conservatism as resistance
(6) Inside view 3: Voices from the PEGIDA-galaxy
(7) Conclusions: Language and radicalization
4. (1) Material and approaches
• Observations of field study November 2015
• Literature review of freshest German research in the area (Vorländer et. Al. 2015 &
2016; Benz 2015)
• Qualitative analysis of internal publications of PEGIDA-supporters:
– Special issue of Sezession: PEGIDA, March 2015
– Sebastian Henning: PEGIDA – Spaziergänge über den Horizont. Eine Chronik.
Neustadt and der Orla: Arnshaugk, 2015
Approaches:
• conceptual history, changes of meaning in political concepts/words over time
Hypothesis in relation to radicalization:
The altered usage of language and concepts in political vocabulary marks a diversion
from agreed consensus and thus prepares the ground for radicalization.
5. (2) PEGIDA: Chronology and background
PEGIDA – Patriotische Europäer Gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes, ‘Patriotic
Europeans Against the Islamization of the Occident’
• established in autumn 2014, facebook-initiative taking protest to the streets
• within weeks growing to 25 000 participants in ‘evening walks’ in Dresden
• split in February 2015 due to personal and ideological issues, decrease in
participation
• attempt to tap into political counter-jihadism, Geert Wilders in April 2015
• representatives of German ‘nouvelle droit’ side with the movement
• considerable move to the right by remaining supporters
• radicalization of language during refugee crisis summer/autumn 2015
• November 2015: launch of website einprozent.de attempting to coordinate
‘resistance’ against asylum politics in Germany (by February 2016, 22 000 supporters)
• renewed momentum in the aftermath of the Cologne New Years events 2015/16
6. (3) Findings of empirical social studies,
qualitative explanations 1/2
• Vorländer, Herold,
Schäller, 2015 & 2016
(macrostudy,
following PEGIDA into
summer of 2015)
• core of ’Pegidistas’: belong to middle-class of Dresden and Saxony
and its “fragile segments”, predominantly male, between 30 and 60,
employed (or self-employed) with a relative high level of education
(engineering and science degrees) and income
• no party and no religious affiliation, leaning towards the German
protest party Alternative für Deutschland
• reasons given for protest (falling order):
”a general sense of distance between politicians and people”;
“discontent with asylum politics” ;
“discontent with media coverage”;
“discontent with the political system of the German Federal Republic”;
“discontent with migration and integration politics” ;
“reservations against Islam”
A new type of social movement:
“right-wing populist movement of indignation”
7. (3) Findings of empirical social studies,
qualitative explanations 2/2
• Benz, 2015, p. 775-6 (based upon status until March 2015)
THE LANGUAGE OF UNEASINESS:
• rejection of complex structures (as typical for modern society)
• rejection of supra-national political organisation (instead of traditional statehood)
• rejection of globalization
• rejection of modern developments in society (such as inter-culture, individuality and
self-responsibility)
• strengthening of the ‘own’ by excluding the ‘foreign’
• law and order warranted by a strong state, acting according to traditional patterns,
but at the same time (perhaps inconsistently) incorporating larger rights of direct
participation
• societal homogeneity and adherence to traditional social norms
• demand for attention from the side of the ruling political class but simultaneously
(and again inconsistently) a need to denounce rulers out of incompetence, permanent
failure, corruption and treason
8. (4) Inside view 1: ”The salvation of the European
spirit commences in Dresden”
• first hand account: November 2014 to September 2015
• considerable ’Ostalgia’: momentum of 1989-movement,
critique against/hate of Western Germany, pro-Russian stance
• blatant Anti-Americanism
• denigration of media as ’system media’ (”Systemmedien”),
’media liars’ (”Lügenpresse”)
• elite critique: German people are exposed to a conspiracy of its
own government, a ’war’ against the people, immigration
constutites a ’mass rape’ of the European people
• anti-EU: critique against ’Eurocracy’, 89-slogan of ’We are the
people’ projected upon contemporary popular protests (in
February 2016, PEGIDA attempted to launch itself Europe-wide
under the banner ”Fortress Europe”)
9. (5) Inside view 2: Conservatism as resistance
• Conservative publisher Götz Kubitschek and his publishing
house Antaios sided PEGIDA in spring 2015
• a need to strenghten the bonds and coordinate different
initiatives according to the agenda of the German ’new right’
• German political system must be torn down in order to
resurrect
• Resistance is a legitimate conservative position
• platform einprozent.de launched in November 2015 in order to
create momentum
11. (6) Inside view 3: Voices from the PEGIDA-galaxy
Qualitative interview with Peter (47, policeman) and Maria (43, student)
12. (7) Conclusions: Language and radicalization
• Circulation of political terminology from yet undefined source(s) to banners, chants and
mottos of the PEGIDA-movement. More research needed: 1) connections between
publishers like Antaios and other idea-instances to the movement, 2) impact of social
media?
• Recycling of tropes from the -89 citizen movement for a new purpose in a new context
• Re-definition/appropriation of symbols (like ’Wirmer-flag’) – ‘resistance’ as the main trope
• Tone of confrontation, demagogic denunciation against media and elites increases
between November 2014 – September 2015 (and thereafter)
• Expansion of linguistic limits of how problems are framed and which solutions are
proposed (in February 2016 AfD proposed the use of gunfire against migrants at
borders, a move from ‘cultural’ to ‘direct’ violence)
• Extreme solutions are normalized (media and politicians express formerly rejected
positions)
• Societal discourse moves from agreed compromise to formerly radical positions
• Demonstrates that radicalization is a dynamic movement